🔗 Share this article Do Populist Administrations Always Wreck the Economy? “Cambio, cambio.” Beneath the blazing sun, dozens of money changers are selling American currency along Florida Street, a lively shopping street in Buenos Aires. Referred to as arbolitos (“little trees”), their business is booming ahead of the October 26 congressional elections in a country accustomed to saving in the US dollar. “The optimal moment for purchasing is now,” says one arbolito, refusing to provide her identity. “[The dollar] dropped slightly but it’s deceptive – it’ll rise again.” Similar to her, economists across the spectrum expect a depreciation of the Argentine peso after the voting concludes. President Javier Milei has placed a cap on the currency to tame triple-digit price increases and currently it is overvalued and reserves are exhausted, causing the national economy stagnant as consumers opt for cheap imports. Ideal Conditions The nation is a very special case. The country has been repeatedly hit by sovereign defaults and economic crises and the electorate have been susceptible for decades to left-leaning populist movements, such as the influential Peronist movement, and currently the president’s conservative populism. The president epitomizes populist leadership: charismatic, unconventional, vowing forceful measures to reclaim control of economic management from the establishment on behalf of the people. These key characteristics are also seen in his political partner to the north, and by Nigel Farage, who presents himself as a beer-drinking people’s champion despite being a public school-educated ex-finance professional. Up until lately, Milei’s approach – involving widespread sell-offs and deep public spending cuts – had earned praise from the IMF for helping to bring inflation in check. This plan has something in common with the policies of his political hero Margaret Thatcher, who also saw rising prices as a dragon to be defeated, no matter the cost. However financial markets started to doubt in Milei’s radical project in recent months following a poor performance in local polls and multiple graft allegations. Only massive financial intervention by the US has averted what looked set to become a full-blown currency crisis. Inconsistencies The vote for Brexit several years ago arguably had similar reasoning, and its figurehead, the former prime minister, swept away doubts regarding fiscal impacts with confident resolve to implement the “will of the people” in the face of elite opposition. The Reform leader has so far outlined limited plans to paper aside from a call for mass deportations, which he subsequently appeared to revise spontaneously. He wants to rein in the central bank, possibly replacing its head, Andrew Bailey, with distrust toward traditional institutions being a key part of populist rhetoric. His tax and spending policies seem in flux: wary of being accused of planning reckless spending, he lately dropped a pledge to make large tax cuts. His Reform party deputy, the party chairman, said they would concentrate instead on public spending cuts. The opposition hopes this stance will enable it to depict Farage as intending to reintroduce austerity – a point Rachel Reeves has emphasized often, contrasting it with her approach of boosting government spending. Jo Michell says there are contradictions within the populist platform, as it stands. “The party is funded by very wealthy people calling for lower taxes and deregulation, yet also talking a lot about the complaints of working people and the loss of industrial jobs,” he explains. “There’s a tension here among wealthy supporters seeking Thatcherism on steroids, and this narrative of restoring UK employment and industrial revival.” Holding on to Power In truth, the evidence indicates populists of any stripe tend to fare well when confronting real-world challenges (although every populist leader promises distinct solutions). A recent paper from a leading journal examined the outcomes of dozens of populist leaders, over more than a century. The study revealed typically, after 15 years, GDP per capita is often 10% lower in countries governed by populist rulers compared to comparable countries under conventional leadership. “Financial decline, decreasing macroeconomic stability and the erosion of institutions usually go hand in hand with populist rule,” contend the researchers. Another intriguing finding from the study, though, is that even with their negative impacts, populist figures are often effective at retaining office, lasting on average a considerable time, versus shorter tenures for their more moderate equivalents. Put simply, it remains uncertain that even when their plans crash, populists face immediate consequences at the ballot box. Similar to pledges made to regain sovereignty, their attraction reaches beyond mundane economics. But returning to Buenos Aires, regardless of if Milei’s populist project collapses or is sustained by external aid, Argentina’s citizens have already paid significant costs.